Internet en Cuba

‘The Totalitarian Regime Is Intact’: One Cuban’s Message to Obama
The U.S. is pressing ahead with its opening to Cuba. What does that mean
for democracy on the island?
URI FRIEDMAN JUN 22, 2016 GLOBAL

Earlier this month, Ben Rhodes, the architect of Barack Obama’s
diplomatic opening to Cuba, characterized the full restoration of
U.S.-Cuban relations—in other words, Congress lifting the U.S. travel
ban and trade embargo against the island—as inevitable and imminent. It
would be the next domino to fall after the first U.S. presidential visit
to Cuba in 88 years, the first authorization of commercial flights from
America to Cuba in five decades, the first sales of Cuban coffee to the
U.S. market, and so on.

“The fact of the matter is that the American people and the Cuban people
overwhelmingly want this to happen,” Rhodes said. “Frankly, whatever the
political realities in either country, for somebody to try to turn this
off, they would have to be working against the overwhelming desires of
their own people.”

As the Obama administration seeks to cement one of its principal
foreign-policy achievements, it’s worth pausing to unpack that complex
word: “desire.” Rhodes is right that the majority of Americans and
Cubans support re-establishing ties between the two nations. Yet most
Americans and Cubans don’t think re-established ties will bring more
democracy to Cuba’s one-party state. In one 2015 poll, just over 50
percent of Cubans said they were dissatisfied with the country’s
political system and wanted more political parties than the Castros’
Communist Party. But roughly the same percentage didn’t think their
country’s new relationship with the United States would change the Cuban
political system (Cubans were more likely to anticipate change in their
widely despised economic system). They desire normal relations with
America. But many also desire democracy. And they don’t expect the
former to lead to the latter.

For Rosa Maria Paya, such an outcome is patently unacceptable. Paya is
the daughter of Oswaldo Paya, a Cuban democracy activist who in 2012 was
killed in a mysterious car crash that official accounts labeled an
accident, but that Paya’s family, and the driver of the car, have
condemned as a brazen assassination by the Castro regime. Paya is 27
years old, a recent college graduate who studied physics like her father
and relocated from Havana to Miami after his death; she’s part of a
generation of Cubans that is especially supportive of democracy, the
United States, and emigration from Cuba. And Paya is an activist in her
own right, continuing her father’s campaign for a national plebiscite on
whether to overhaul Cuba’s political system.

Paya cannot be counted among the “overwhelming” number of Cubans who,
according to Rhodes, are enthusiastic about Obama’s Cuba policy. She is
not as quick as Rhodes to downplay the “political realities” in her
country. At the Human Rights Foundation’s Oslo Freedom Forum in Norway,
she offered sobering and, at times, searing commentary on what the Obama
administration’s outreach to Cuba has produced—and, critically, what it
hasn’t.

Paya said she’s in favor of countries engaging with and investing in
Cuba, but argued that media coverage of the thaw in U.S.-Cuban
relations, and the ways both governments have sold the rapprochement,
have created the false perception that a political transition is
underway on the island. That perception is in part the result of Cuban
elites cynically exploiting the free market and the symbols of the free
world, she said: “I’m talking about Mick Jagger in Havana, or Chanel
[fashion shows], or a Fast & Furious [film shoot] taking place on the
Malecon.”

“The totalitarian regime is still intact,” she told me. “Fundamental
human rights that have been violated for 55 years are still being
violated, and the life of the common Cuban hasn’t changed at all.”

Yes, more Americans can now travel to Cuba and more Cubans can now
travel to America, Paya conceded, but the Cuban government still bars
its critics from leaving the country by denying them passports. Recent
visits by Obama, Pope Francis, and EU foreign-policy chief Federica
Mogherini, she added, have granted legitimacy to a government “that is
not legitimate … that is not normal even if you normalize relations with
it,” that relies on violent suppression and dynastic succession to
maintain power, and that deprives its citizens of freedoms of
expression, association, internet access, and multiparty elections.

“Cubans are not less than Americans. Why must we wait for a king to die?”

She applauded Obama for emphasizing, during his March trip to the
island, the right of Cubans to determine their own future. And she
doesn’t believe it’s the U.S. government’s role to transform Cuba. What
she wants from the United States is more coherence between its rhetoric
and its actions on democracy and human rights: “Ask for Cubans the same
things that you [would] ask for yourselves, and don’t allow for Cubans
something that you would never allow for yourselves.”

Paya recalled Obama’s offers to extend a hand to America’s foes,
including Cuba, and then cited a saying of her father’s: “If you are
going to extend a helping hand to the Cuban people, you should first ask
for the Cuban people to have their hands untied.”

I countered that for nearly 60 years, the U.S. government had largely
followed her father’s advice, with little to show for it. Cubans’ hands
remained tied, despite all of Washington’s asking and demanding and
coercing. The Obama administration appeared to be rejecting that logic,
prioritizing dialogue over democracy and betting that a hand extended
might ultimately be more beneficial to the Cuban people than a hand
withheld. A number of international-relations theorists believe engaging
enemies is more productive than isolating them, I noted.

Paya bristled at my mention of theory. “We Cubans shouldn’t be the
objects of any theoretical experiment,” she responded. “We are human
beings. … Conversation [between countries] itself is not enough.” What
matters is what’s being discussed. Ten years after the U.S. and China
established full diplomatic relations, she pointed out, the Chinese
government committed the Tiananmen Square massacre with impunity: “I’m a
physicist. I know what [proof] you need to demonstrate a theorem. And we
don’t have that. We cannot say that the process that has been started
[between the U.S. and Cuba] is a process that is going to end in democracy.”

“What doesn’t need to be proved is that if people can decide [their
future], you don’t have a totalitarian regime,” she added.

“Cubans are not less than Americans,” Paya insisted. “Why do we have to
sit down and wait for a king to die? No. We can have rights today.
There’s not a single reason to deny human rights to a whole population.”

I asked how that denial manifested itself in her daily life in Cuba.
“You cannot choose how to live your life,” she said. “You cannot choose
the work you’re going to have after university. You cannot choose the
school you’re going to attend. You cannot choose your leaders. You
cannot decide to move not even out of the country, [but] inside the
country because you could be called—and this is a good one—an ‘illegal’
in your own country. National deportations [from Havana to other parts
of the country] are taking place in Cuba.” And if you join civil society
or oppose the government and political system, “then you could face
prison, you could face isolation, you are definitely going to suffer the
persecution of the state security [forces]. And if you succeed [in your
campaign for political reform], like my father, then you could face death.”

Paya is now lobbying both Cubans and international actors to exert
pressure on the Castro regime to hold a nationwide referendum on the
Cuban political system. Such a vote, in her mind, could result in a
constituent assembly that drafts a new constitution and a transitional
government that organizes free and fair elections. U.S. officials, she
reasons, should be talking to their Cuban counterparts not just about
coffee sales and commercial flights, but also democratic reforms, like
the plebiscite, that are advocated by Cubans.

But it’s far easier to talk coffee than constitutions. After all, the
Cuban Constitution enshrines the country’s socialist system as
“irrevocable.” And, as Paya herself admits, authoritarians don’t “commit
suicide.”

This reporting was made possible in part with the support of the Human
Rights Foundation.

Source: Rosa Maria Paya on Obama’s Opening to Cuba – The Atlantic –
www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2016/06/rosa-maria-paya-cuba-obama/488060/

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Archives
Calendar
June 2016
M T W T F S S
« May   Jul »
 12345
6789101112
13141516171819
20212223242526
27282930  
We run various sites in defense of human rights and need support to pay for more powerful servers. Thank you.